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Brexit, Democracy and the Role of Opposition

Democracy: ours is a representative democracy. That means that we elect people to make decisions on our behalf to run our sovereign nation.

This allows me to make a direct analogy with a healthy organisation. The Chief Executive is appointed by the Board to make decisions about the best running of the organisation. If a Chief Executive, confronted by a difficult split amongst his executive directors, waves his hands in the air and runs back to the Board and says you must make this decision for me, the board should be very concerned about this person’s competence to remain in role. A well run Board would, of course, make a compassionate enquiry into why it is so difficult for him to do his job of making a decision. The aim would be to try to enable the CEO to regain his authority. However, if this person is still unable to make a decision, the Board should remove him and appoint somebody else.

David Cameron was running UK plc. He encountered a difficulty in his executive; namely that a number of people wanted to get out of Europe. Instead of making a decision and, if necessary, confronting these people head-on, he waved his hands in the air and went running back to the Board to ask them to make the decision for him. The Board in this case is the electorate. (Because they appoint him) The right response to this was not to go along with his wish to avoid managing his executive (by which we mean his party). The right decision would have been to sack him and appoint somebody who could actually manage their own parliamentary party. His cowardice and incompetence is going to cost this country enormously and, as always, the people who will pay the price will be the people at the bottom.

To put it another way, no politician would recommend a referendum on the question of capital punishment. That is because everybody knows that the large group called society, like all large groups, behaves irrationally and prefers an aggressive certainty to managing the anxiety of not knowing. In other words society will always vote to kill people.

Offered the opportunity to make a decision about the future of this country, society voted for suicide, i.e. to kill the country.

Let us turn for a moment to ‘membership organisations’; these are organisations that provide services for their own members, like trades unions and professional organisations. These look the same as any other reasonably functioning organisation in that there is a Board which appoints a Chief Executive, who creates a workforce to achieve the aims set by the board within the parameters also set by the board. Another name for those parameters is ‘constitution’ and the constitution is confirmed by the election to the board of trustees. The electorate are the members. Sometimes there is a question about the constitution, perhaps a group of members feel that there needs to be a change. If the Board and Chief Executive feel that this change requires the explicit consent of the membership, there might be a referendum. In a healthy system, such a referendum will take place within previously agreed parameters and a very common such condition will be that no constitutional change can take place without a significant majority. It is never enough that there is a simple majority because it is well recognised that large groups tend to behave irrationally and, therefore change requires something like a two thirds majority.

So, for two reasons, the Brexit referendum was not a democratic process; the first reason is that it was not a decision that the electorate ought to have taken, it belonged to the prime minister and you undermine representative democracy if you create ‘exceptions’ to the requirement that representatives make decisions about the country. Secondly, if it was a genuine request for constitutional change, then there should have been sensible parameters to ensure the safety of the vote. And there weren’t.

With this as a backdrop, what does this mean for the constitutional role of an opposition now?

As a forward, it is often worth stating the ‘bleeding obvious’: opposition parties generally represent the views of the electorate that did not prevail in the most recent election. This is not a shameful thing, nor is it in any way undemocratic. Indeed it is the mark of a democratic society that recognises that there is always something true and helpful in a different view. That is because it is only the infant’s world that is black and white, grown-ups recognise that the truth is complex and often confused.

Therefore, this opposition has a duty to represent the views of the 48% of people who voted in the referendum to remain in Europe.

So, to return to the question about the constitutional tasks of opposition. First of all, an opposition has to expose truths that are being hidden by government. I have already pointed out that one major lie is that the referendum was democratic. The next thing, for which the opposition has daily evidence, is the destructive complexity of disconnecting from Europe. In this they are aided by the shrill incompetency of the government representatives from the Prime Minister down to present a coherent vision of a United Kingdom outside Europe. Such a vision is essential if there is to be any kind of rational negotiation. In this regard, the first lie that the opposition should have exposed was the government’s claim that a negotiator does not reveal their aims. This is complete nonsense; it is vitally important in any negotiation that both sides have an idea of the vision that each has of the final outcome, so that they can work to find a pathway that makes a link between those two visions. What you hide from the other side is the extent of compromise that you are prepared to consider. My belief about the government’s need to hide their ‘final position’ is that they don’t have any idea of what the UK outside Europe will look like.

For example, if we just take the business of trade, there cannot be a better position for the UK vis-à-vis Europe than a market that is free from trading tariffs. That situation is only available to members of the European Community. By definition, being outside Europe means that trade with Europe will be less profitable. Secondly the means by which countries can negotiate low tariffs for trade with other countries is by representing a large trading base. By definition Europe, being made up of many countries, will have more to offer than the UK will on its own. So the question about what the UK will look like outside Europe must address the question of how it can be better to be paying more tariffs for trade.

The opposition has an opportunity to point out that those who are already wealthy and operate large companies, particularly within the financial and international legal sectors, are liable to make huge profits from involvement in discussion and negotiating trade tariffs. That is why this particular section of the establishment is pro Brexit. They will make a profit from the increased cost of trade whilst the poor and those employed in businesses trying to make trade work will pay the real cost. In other words those who, feeling disenfranchised and excluded from the site of wealth, voted Brexit, will be the ones who will suffer the financial consequences.

A final thought (simply because of the need to reduce the length of this blog) is about access or gateways. The mendacious leaders of the Brexit campaign contaminated an achievement of membership of Europe with the fear of a zombie invasion. Sadly none of the Remainers were able to expose the truth about the benefits of keeping an open door. One of those benefits, which has been finally referred to with some clarity, is that the NHS depends upon people from the European Union. I don’t mean that this is some kind of an option, I mean that without them the NHS cannot function.

3 Comments

  1. Andy Daer on November 28, 2017 at 6:40 am

    This piece is helpful and thought-provoking for those of us trying to understand the complicated mixture of things that went wrong with the EU referendum, and I agree entirely with much of what is said.
    There is an obvious anomaly in the opening argument (about leadership). Cameron is castigated for his inability to lead the country, but there is no corresponding appraisal of the leader of the opposition – perhaps for good reason, because it might be inconvenient to do so. In one of many unfortunate coincidences surrounding the referendum, although the 95% of Labour MPs voted Remain, their leader hates the EU and is very happy to collude with the UKIP-inspired right wing of the Conservative Party and deliver the so-called ‘will of the people’. Corbyn is providing exactly the kind of strong leadership called for in the opening paragraphs – in spades, because Corbyn is leading a Parliamentary party which broadly hates him, in a direction they wouldn’t choose themselves.
    This is rather glossed over when the argument proceeds to the assertion that the official opposition has a duty to oppose the government of the day. Not only would that be impossible for Corbyn because he likes Brexit, he also knows that Brexit is destroying the Conservative Party, a win/win for Corbyn. This exposes one of the problems with the argument for strong leadership; like Machiavelli, we approve of strong princes, but we have to hope they will be benign, and lead us where we wanted to go anyway.
    The introduction of the ‘capital punishment argument’ is one many must have thought of and few have had the nerve to bring up. The simple fact is that for decades it has been a given that Parliament hasn’t asked the people about reinstating the death sentence because it wouldn’t like the answer. It never seems to have troubled anyone in the political establishment, and strangely, it doesn’t seem to have troubled the electorate either, to know that Parliament was being deliberately ‘undemocratic’. In the past people accepted that MPs had a right to consider their own opinion more worthy than that of the ordinary man and woman in the street. We live in different times now. I shudder to give credit to Michael Gove, but I believe it was he who announced during the referendum campaign that experts were no longer experts, although the ascendancy of this ludicrous idea was more likely the culmination of a process of infantilisation and regression towards indulging in feelings of omnipotence than the result of a Govian decree.
    Luckily the Liberal Democrat party is untainted by hatred of the EU, and is not tempted to play politics with the issue of EU membership the way the Labour Party is being forced to by Corbyn and his Momentum cabal. In terms of MP numbers the Liberal Democrats are marginalised by ‘first past the post’ elections, but our MPs share a powerful conviction that leaving the EU would be wrong. There is opposition to Brexit; it is just not coming from where you might have expected, or hoped to find it.

    • PhilipStokoe on November 28, 2017 at 2:34 pm

      Thank you very much for this comment which I find terribly helpful for a number of reasons. Perhaps the most important is to learn exactly how my thoughts have been heard. I did not intend to make any reference to leadership. This is because I want, first, to think about the group or societal dynamics involved. My point about Cameron is to do with the ordinary, management tasks a CEO or Prime Minister has to take on. Leadership is a much more complex activity. One of the main activities of management is decision-making and my point was that, in our democracy, the electorate votes for ‘representatives’ who will make decisions about the running of the country on our behalf. My analogy to business rests upon the identical arrangement by which a CEO is authorised to make decisions about the running of the company of behalf of the Board. Both a CEO and a Prime Minister make these decisions withing parameters that have been set in the form of a constitution. Constitutions can be changed but this requires a different system and are not usually within the brief of a boss (whether CEO or Prime Minister). My point about Cameron was that my interpretation of the process leading to the referendum was not initially about making a constitutional change, it was a dereliction of his duty to run the country as part of the European Union, simply because some of his ‘team’ objected to being in the E.U. in the first place. Rather than managing (n.b. this is not about leading), he turned to the source of his authority to make decisions and asked them (the electorate) to do it for him.
      Sometimes a manager is in conflict not with his team but with his own beliefs. If you take the job of running a coal mine but you hold the belief that the climate of the planet is being destroyed by burning fossil fuels, you are going to run into trouble carrying out your duty of running the coal mine. It is more difficult to see this problem if the belief that is in conflict with your job is an unconscious belief. Corbyn seems to me to suffer from the latter problem. His conscious beliefs about the fact of an unequal society and the causes of this have led him to address exactly the underlying problems that I would claim lie behind the Brexit vote. He also thinks that the causes, which are run-away capitalism, are manifest in the union of states called the EU. I think that this idea, is organised in his mind by an unconscious belief because unconscious beliefs, if they are noticed at all by the conscious mind, are taken to be facts. He seems to ‘unconsciously’ believe that the damaging effects of capitalism are directly linked to large societies, so he cannot think about any other way of seeing the EU than as a vehicle of inequality. I think the way that he cannot think about this at all and suppresses discussion about it and turns away from the arguments of the parliamentary labour membership are all evidence of a man in the grip of an unconscious belief, not evidence of narcissism. In this sense my criticism of Campbell is the same as my criticism of Corbyn; it is not about their leadership, it is about their performances in role as the equivalent of a CEO.

  2. Andy Daer on November 28, 2017 at 4:42 pm

    Thank you for that (rather over-generous) acknowledgement. I now see the EU referendum is a two-fold problem. First, a lot of people (only 37% of the electorate, but just enough to win) voted leave in June 2016. Second, things have happened since the referendum which make the process of getting people to change their minds is fiendishly difficult. The evidence about the reality of Brexit is unremittingly bad, and yet most Leave voters are sticking to their guns. They seem to have attached themselves to the idea that if ‘there is no gain without pain’, the evidence of pain proves the gain, and in fact the more pain the greater the gain. This negates logical argument based on producing evidence of disastrous consequences, making those Brexiters somewhat analogous to that knight in Monty Python and the Holy Grail who seemed to relish losing arms and legs.
    However, my division of the problem into the referendum and post-referendum sections is caused by the phrase ‘take back control’. Initially it looked like a call to get power back from Brussels, but it now seems it was hooking into a personal need stemming from a much more general feeling of powerlessness, which had nothing to do with practical realities like ‘controlling immigration’ (market forces have been controlling EU immigration into the UK perfectly successfully, and indeed a lot better than the army of bureaucrats we would need if we really took control). The post referendum experience for some of the Leave voters was that indeed they did ‘take back control’ – but not from Johnny Foreigner, from the smug, Guardian-reading middle classes who they identify as the political ruling elite in this country. They are highly unlikely to reverse that decision spontaneously (why would they?), and when we try to encourage them to have another think, we are just reminding them of that powerful feeling. (I am generalising here – I know many people had very good reasons for voting Leave). This means that efforts to change people’s minds can be counterproductive, and worse than doing nothing.
    This is why I think the appeal of retreating to omnipotence is a big factor, and I am reminded of it every time someone on Question Time says “you lost – get over it,” or the even more aggressive “what part of ‘leave’ don’t you understand?” The post-referendum period has unleashed not only the racist but also those prey to destructive envy (of people who appear to be more successful than them). Putting these genies back in the bottle is one of the tasks we need to address, in my opinion.
    Your remarks about Corbyn are extremely interesting (I had an unconscious belief that everyone in the world thought him a narcisist) and I obviously need to have another think. You will perhaps forgive an ardent Liberal Democrat for being a bit peeved that only he stands between us an an alliance with the 200 odd Labour MPs who would otherwise help us save the country from lunacy.

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